The phrase “in office but not in power” is a hackneyed parliamentary cliché, a barb often thrown across the dispatch box when a government finds itself temporarily adrift. But when the same accusation is hurled at a new administration, barely two years into its term and sitting on a substantial Commons majority, it ceases to be a mere rhetorical flourish. It becomes a damning, terrifying statement of fact.
This is the stunning, unprecedented reality now gripping the heart of Westminster. The government of Keir Starmer and Rachel Reeves is not steering the ship of state; it is merely serving as the visible figurehead for a crew of militant, unelected backbenchers who have successfully executed the quietest, yet most comprehensive, political coup of the modern era. Power, real power, has been seized by a small, hardened cabal of hard-left MPs—the “Seven Puppet Masters”—who failed to win the leadership of the Labour Party yet have succeeded in hijacking the core ideological and financial apparatus of the nation.
This is the anatomy of a betrayal: the story of how an economic platform built on painstaking fiscal responsibility was systematically dismantled by an internal rebellion, leaving the Chancellor humiliated, the Prime Minister emasculated, and the British taxpayer facing the inevitable fallout of reckless, uncontrolled spending.

The Crisis of Command: Reeves’s Humiliation and the Loss of Fiscal Nerve
To understand the crisis currently paralysing Whitehall, one must look no further than the chronic political weakness of Chancellor Rachel Reeves. Reeves, the public face of Labour’s economic credibility, was supposed to be the guarantor of fiscal rectitude, the iron lady of the Exchequer who would rebuild trust following years of chaotic Conservative management. Instead, she has become the primary victim of the hard-left’s calculated aggression, forced to perform two seismic, humiliating U-turns on spending cuts that were deemed essential for balancing the nation’s books.
The first was a relatively modest reduction to Winter Fuel Payments. The second, and far more damaging, was the retreat from a proposed, vital reduction in the spiralling costs of Personal Independence Payments (PIP).
The figures themselves are staggering, providing the cold, hard logic for the leadership’s original push for reform. The bill for PIP benefits for working-age adults has exploded, doubling since 2020 to a colossal £22 billion. Crucially, it is projected to surpass £30 billion by 2030. This is a fiscal time bomb ticking beneath the national accounts, demanding immediate, brave action. Starmer and Reeves, fully aware of this existential threat, initially attempted to push through a relatively moderate £5 billion worth of savings.
Yet, at the first sign of organised dissent from the hard-left faction, the government buckled. They abandoned their plans entirely, not because of a sudden ideological epiphany, but due to the brute force of a threatened Commons defeat. The rebels had found their pressure point: the government’s majority was revealed to be brittle, and their will to govern, non-existent.
This capitulation was not merely a legislative setback; it was the transference of authority. When a Chancellor is forced to surrender her core economic policy to a backbench cabal, the control of the Treasury has effectively moved outside of Downing Street. Reeves’s retreat has been correctly identified by political observers as a sign of chronic weakness, a weakness that the hard-left has now smelled like blood in the water.
The Moral Hazard: Exploiting the PIP Catastrophe for Political Gain
The policy area of PIP provides the most emotionally charged example of this political paralysis. Originally conceived to support those with genuine physical disabilities, the system has ballooned into an unsustainable edifice, thanks in part to what the article explicitly highlights as ‘absurd claims about ADHD and anxiety.’
While the principle of supporting the vulnerable is sacrosanct, the explosion in payments linked to mental health conditions, often through questionable assessments, has driven the cost into the stratosphere. Reeves’s initial attempt to bring order and sustainability to the system—ensuring the money went to those in genuine need and safeguarding the Exchequer from runaway costs—was a necessary act of statesmanship.

By forcing the U-turn, the hard-left rebels have cemented a moral hazard at the heart of the welfare state. They prioritised their ideological position—zero cuts, no matter the cost or the impact on fiscal sustainability—over the long-term health of the economy. In effect, they have decided that the working taxpayers, particularly the young professionals struggling to make ends meet, must bear the soaring tax burden required to fund a policy system they themselves admit is being ‘gamed.’
The emotional impact of this is profound. Every working citizen who watches their take-home pay shrink, who struggles to afford a home or start a family, must now look directly at these seven individuals and understand that their financial sacrifice is being dictated not by pragmatic governance, but by ideological blackmail.
The Seven Architects of Chaos: Meet the Puppet Masters
This operation was not the work of happenstance but of cold, calculated political organisation. The power is wielded by a core group of seven MPs, seasoned figures from the party’s left-wing who represent the ideological vanguard that Starmer had attempted to marginalise: Angela Rayner, John McDonnell, Apsana Begum, Rebecca Long-Bailey, Richard Burgon, Ian Byrne and Imran Hussain.
Angela Rayner, despite nominally being part of the leadership team, continues to wield immense, disruptive power from the backbenches. Her influence acts as a constant, internal threat, ready to fracture the parliamentary party at a moment’s notice. Her presence in this cabal suggests that the coup is not just external, but facilitated from within the leadership’s own orbit, a political dagger held permanently at Starmer’s throat.
John McDonnell, the former Shadow Chancellor, represents the old guard of Corbynite economic policy. He is the intellectual author of the financial programme Starmer spent years trying to dismantle. His involvement confirms that this rebellion is an attempt to resurrect the very ideological vision the electorate rejected, using Starmer’s mandate as a Trojan horse. McDonnell’s strategic acumen makes him the most dangerous player, providing the philosophical justification and parliamentary experience for the resistance.
The others—Apsana Begum, Rebecca Long-Bailey, Richard Burgon, Ian Byrne, and Imran Hussain—form the unwavering, activist core. They are the shock troops who can mobilise internal dissent, leverage pressure from trade unions and activist groups, and, crucially, hold their nerve in the face of leadership threats. For these MPs, their political careers are defined by their ideological purity, making them immune to the traditional pressures of compromise that bind centrist politicians. They would rather bring down the government than see it deviate from their revolutionary path.
Together, they represent a force that Starmer, for all his electoral success, has consistently failed to neutralise. They are ‘the party within the party,’ dictating policy from a position of profound philosophical opposition to the very individuals they pretend to support in government.
The Looming Nightmare-Before-Christmas Budget

Having tested the leadership’s mettle and found it wanting, the ‘Seven Puppet Masters’ are now moving to consolidate their control ahead of Rachel Reeves’s critical second Budget, which the article ominously refers to as the ‘Nightmare-before-Christmas Budget.’
The immediate flashpoint is the cost of abolishing the two-child benefit cap. This policy move alone is projected to cost a staggering £3 billion. This is not a matter of unforeseen expenditure; the Labour leadership in 2024 explicitly stated that abolishing the cap was ‘unaffordable’ due to the economy, citing it as an example of the ‘tough decisions’ Sir Keir was willing to make to secure the nation’s finances.
Now, under intense pressure from the hard-left, that ‘tough decision’ is being reversed. The political cost is devastating: it shatters the perception of Starmer as a decisive leader capable of making sacrifices for the greater good. The financial cost is a direct transfer of burden onto the shoulders of the working population. The abolition of the cap, as the source notes, will put “further tax pressures on young working class professionals, many of whom feel they cannot afford to have children, in order to give more free cash to those who had children without the means to support them.”
This is the ultimate capitulation: forcing working Britons to pay more tax to fund a policy the leadership itself admitted was fiscally irresponsible, all to appease a handful of backbenchers.
The political logic of this reversal is terrifying. The hard-left is not motivated by fiscal responsibility; they are motivated by ideological purity and the redistribution of wealth, regardless of the consequences to national debt or long-term growth. Their success in forcing the abolition of the cap is merely the prelude to their ultimate goal: forcing Rachel Reeves to breach her manifesto pledges on tax rises.
When the Chancellor is inevitably compelled to increase taxes to fund this runaway spending—the spending abandoned for PIP, the spending required for the £3 billion cap reversal—it will be entirely due to this internal rebellion. The article issues a stark, irrefutable warning: “When your taxes go up at the Budget, remember it is because of Rachel Reeves’ political weakness to push through any spending cuts in the wake of her hard-left backbench cabal.”
The Death of the Mandate: A Government Paralyzed by Fear
Keir Starmer’s journey to Number 10 was built on a promise of competence, stability, and a ruthless break from the ideological chaos of the preceding years. Yet, in just two years, that promise lies in tatters, replaced by a picture of a leader paralyzed by the internal civil war he claimed to have won.
The core dilemma facing Starmer is existential. He has a historic mandate from the people, yet that mandate is being rendered meaningless by a faction that represents a tiny, unrepresentative portion of the electorate. Every time he capitulates to the ‘Seven,’ he chips away at his own credibility, not just with the public, but with the moderates within his own party who believed his promises of reform.
The emotional toll on the leadership must be immense. To sit in the highest office, to have the apparatus of the state at your command, yet to know that the actual direction of travel is being dictated by your fiercest critics, must be a profound, soul-crushing humiliation. They are not governing; they are managing the demands of their internal opposition.
This scenario represents the death of effective governance. A government that cannot control its own financial policy, that cannot make the ‘tough decisions’ required to steer the economy, is a government that cannot lead. They are trapped in a self-perpetuating cycle: the more they concede to the hard-left, the weaker they become; the weaker they become, the more emboldened the rebels are to demand further concessions.
The consequences extend far beyond Westminster’s walls. The constant U-turns, the political chaos, and the sudden abandonment of fiscal discipline send catastrophic signals to the markets, to international investors, and to the British public. Stability, the one commodity Starmer promised, has been replaced by a new, terrifying brand of Labour civil war—one fought not over personalities, but over the nation’s financial future.
A Final Warning: The Cost of the Quiet Coup
This quiet coup, orchestrated by seven individuals operating from the obscurity of the backbenches, is now complete. Starmer and Reeves are indeed ‘in office but not in power.’ The agenda of the hard-left—the very economic extremism that voters decisively rejected—has been resurrected and implanted at the heart of government policy.
The public must now confront this uncomfortable, alarming truth: the current government’s direction is being steered by ideological extremists. The price of their success will not be paid in political currency by Starmer or Reeves, whose time in office may well be cut short by this crisis. No, the price will be paid in hard cash by the British taxpayer.
The next Budget is not merely an annual financial statement; it is a reckoning. It is the moment the cost of Rachel Reeves’s chronic political weakness is itemised on the national balance sheet. When the tax demands land, when the cost of living spirals further, and when the government cites economic ‘headwinds’ for their financial woes, the true cause will be staring the public in the face: the seven puppet masters who decided that ideological purity was worth bankrupting the trust and the finances of the United Kingdom. The nation must wake up to the truth: the government has already been overthrown.